News and Articles on Health. Medical research topics.

Individuals from several disciplines — law (Friedman, 2004; Nordberg, 2002; Stratton, 2004), medicine and social science (Berkman, 1995; Munetz & Teller, 2004; Ross & Lawrence, 1998), and journalism (Bernstein, 1999; Butterfield, 1992) — have discussed the role of prisons and jails as social safety nets, especially with regard to the mentally ill and homeless. Some observers relate this aspect of corrections to an increased willingness to spend tax dollars on incarcerating people, rather than providing them with adequate social services that might prevent their incarceration (Butterfield, 1992). Friedman (2004), for example, contrasts the social safety nets of other Western democracies, especially in their provision of health care, with the United States’ preference for criminal justice solutions to long-standing social problems such as concentrated poverty or addictions. According to one physician, “It is fatuous for politicians or social planners to deny the relationship between rising unemployment, deepening poverty, and the parallel growth in the prison population” (Berkman, 1995, p. 1617).

In correctional facilities, people in need of limited social services can receive shelter, food, and medical care that would either not be available to them or that is available only in very poor quality (Butterfield, 1992). Some social services — such as subsidized housing, treatment, and mental health treatment — have long waitlists that also put them out of immediate reach (Nordberg, 2002). Mentally ill individuals appear to have difficulty accessing certain resources in their communities, even where referrals and guidance have been provided prior to release (Bernstein, 1999). Marquart et al.’s (1997) notion that jails are sometimes the sole resource for a dealing with a community’s mentally ill is confirmed by a state supreme court justice, who has described correctional facilities as the “de facto mental health system of our day” (Stratton, 2004).

These views of correctional facilities as safety nets, however, largely disregard the particular circumstances of inmates. Essentially, it is a view of prisons and jails that works for men in a way that it cannot for women. Information about the socio-economic difficulties of inmates discussed above clearly demonstrates their need for social services. Incarceration can also provide relief to these women from poverty and violence (Bradley & Davino, 2002), yet with regard to health care, what is available to inmates is very limited, as discussed below. Furthermore, jails and prisons functioning as safety nets provides little for these women in their roles as mothers and nothing for the children they leave behind while incarcerated. In short, correctional facilities may be literally safer for women facing lives of violence, as has been claimed by some observers (Acoca, 1998; Bradley & Davino, 2002). But to claim that they provide social safety nets for women to the same degree as they might for men is inaccurate. This is especially true with regard to health care, when “some correctional systems… justify their often inadequate women’s health care services by comparing them to the nonexistent care the women were receiving on the street” (Acoca, 1998. p. 61).

Sometimes the harm that results from medical care is at the hands of the medical care providers themselves. However, placing excessive blame on this group is inappropriate and misleading. Penal harm medicine also occurs at the hands of correctional officers when they undertake tasks intended for medical professionals (Vaughn & Collins, 2004). Penal harm may also be the result of correctional facility policies (for example, those addressing security concerns), such as when officials override the suggestions and needs of medical personnel (Ammar & Erez, 2000). Penal harm medicine may be a consequence of a correctional system’s decision to provide treatment in a managed care model, in which cost-savings measures may compromise inmate care (Robbins, 1999). Ross and Lawrence (1998, p. 128) argue that poor quality health care for these women is not the fault of staff, but rather “a manifestation of pervasive and insidious attitudes, behaviors and beliefs which influence government policy.” Thus, not all penal harm medicine can be attributed to medical care providers themselves.

How widespread the practice of penal harm medicine may be is not clear. Maeve and Vaughn (2001, p. 58) report that “penal harm medicine and nursing have become so routinized, mundane, and banal that they pass for standard operating procedure.” However, their research has often focused on single facilities (Maeve, 1999; Vaughn & Smith, 1999) or judicial decisions (e.g., Dabney & Vaughn, 2000; Vaughn & Collins, 2004) which, by their adversarial nature, cannot reflect the full range of medical care provided in correctional facilities. On one hand, studies relying on judicial decisions obviously would not reflect provision of good medical care. On the other, they may underrepresent instances of poor medical care, owing to a number of factors including the limits federal legislation has placed on inmate lawsuits (Schlanger, 2003) or the fact that inmates may be less likely to bring lawsuits challenging the conditions of their incarceration (Aylward & Thomas, 1984).

Other sources indicate that penal harm medicine is not typical of all institutions. Ammar and Erez (2000) describe medical care providers who are very concerned about the women they care for in the Ohio prison system. Prison nursery programs that address the needs of pregnant and post-partum women are examples of thoughtful care within the correctional context (Fearn & Parker, 2004). In Todaro v. Ward (1977, pp. 1159-1160), the first case to address the health care of inmates specifically, the presiding judge, even while finding deliberate indifference, nevertheless complimented the Bedford Hills prison medical staff for their “concern…with the well-being of the inmates they served.”

Subsequent Supreme Court decisions have refined what must be demonstrated to establish that correctional officials have been deliberately indifferent to an inmate’s health care needs. Chief among them is Farmer v. Brennan (1994, p. 837); here, the Court stated that a plaintiff must show that an official “knows of and disregards an excessive risk to inmate health or safety.” This requires a showing of a corrections official’s “state of mind” (Robbins, 1999, p. 221).

Theoretical Views of the Role of Correctional Facilities
Correctional facilities have been described as the “social safety net of last resort” (Ross & Lawrence, 1998, p. 128) and also as institutions that implement penal harm. These seemingly contradictory descriptions can be seen as complementary, however, when corrections is understood both as a means of managing “disruptive and unsightly members of the underclass” and as “an emergency service net for those who are in the most desperate straits” (Feeley & Simon, 1992, p. 468). Familiarity with both concepts is critical to an understanding of the health care expected by and delivered to women in correctional facilities.

Correctional Facilities as Devices of Penal Harm and Penal Harm Medicine
An emerging trend in corrections is that of “new penology,” which focuses on “techniques to identify, classify, and manage” offenders rather than explain their behavior or address their rehabilitation (Feeley & Simon, 1992, p. 452). It is described as being more concerned with actuarial aspects of penology and how to manage efficiently the probabilities that different risks present. Marquart et al. (1999) have suggested that health risk be considered amid other criteria used for evaluating offender risk — some groups may present more of a health risk than a criminal risk and that this consideration will affect their management within the criminal justice system. Another concept emerging from discussions of the new penology is that of penal harm, in which punishment is a tool for harming offenders — harm justified because it is offenders being affected and harm that is easier to justify in the atmosphere of “depersonalized efficiency” which critics attribute to the new penology’s emphasis on management and probability (Cullen, 1995, p. 339). Penal harm concepts have come to affect the health care provided in some correctional facilities, such as when medical care is withheld or delayed or used to humiliate inmates (Vaughn & Smith, 1999). According to Vaughn and Smith (1999, p. 217), it is the “collective demonization” of the inmates that permits medical care providers to violate their ethical obligations. Vaughn (1999) has also argued that the treatment capabilities of medical care professionals in some correctional systems have been excessively confused with custodial concerns, as when the Federal Bureau of Prisons provides basic correctional training to its medical staff without any distinction between their role and that of other correctional officers. Medical care as a device of harm within correctional facilities is not new (Butler, 1997). Estelle v. Gamble ameliorated the situation in 1976 by mandating a minimum level of medical care below which facilities could not fall. However, medicine remains a tool for deliberate harm in some facilities. Schlanger (2003) for instance, reported that issues of medical care are the number one cause of litigation in jails or prisons.

The range of self-reported health problems for many inmates is considerable. Treatment for these issues operates against a background of legal and penal concerns, which are discussed in the following section.

Roughly 40 percent of the inmates surveyed while incarcerated were first-time offenders while almost 60 percent were recidivists. More than one-third of these women reported being previously incarcerated. Many of these women were reluctant (or refused) to speak about their offenses; however, approximately one-third of women reported that they were under the influence (of drugs and/or alcohol) at the time of their offense. One-quarter of women reported drinking alcohol at the time of the offense while one-quarter reported committing the offense in order to get money for drugs. Almost one-third of the women reported that their offense was a drug-related offense, 16 percent stated that they had committed a violent offense, and 18 percent reported having engaged in a property-related offense. Finally, more than 80 percent of these inmates stated that they had pled guilty to the offense for which they were currently serving time. These women illustrate a series of life course characteristics which makes them much more susceptible to poor health—including unmet medical needs, drug/alcohol use, and mental health issues — that have the potential to be treated, or exacerbated, by incarceration.
The range of self-reported health problems for many inmates is considerable. Treatment for these issues operates against a background of legal and penal concerns, which are discussed in the following section.

Underlying Concerns Regarding Women’s Health Care in Prison Legally Required Standard for Medical Care in Correctional Facilities

The United State Supreme Court’s decision in Estelle v. Gamble (1976) is central to evaluating legal requirements for the medical treatment of incarcerated individuals. Because the decision turns on considerations of the 8th Amendment’s prohibition of cruel and unusual punishments, Estelle and its progeny directly affect those who have been convicted of crimes. It indirectly affects those awaiting trial, who although incapable of being punished, may still be subjected to certain deprivations so long as they do not rise to the level of punishment. Precisely what this class of inmates is entitled to is unclear, but must at least satisfy what is required by the 8th Amendment (see Parker forthcoming).
According to the Court, the government has an obligation to provide medical care to inmates and accordingly, Estelle (1976, p. 104) holds that “deliberate indifference” on the part of correctional officials with regard to an inmate’s “serious medical needs” is impermissible. Indifference could manifest itself in denying or delaying care or the interference with treatment. However, the Court was clear in limiting what might be considered deliberate indifference, specifically excluding negligence and medical malpractice.

Roughly 40 percent of the inmates surveyed while incarcerated were first-time offenders while almost 60 percent were recidivists. More than one-third of these women reported being previously incarcerated. Many of these women were reluctant (or refused) to speak about their offenses; however, approximately one-third of women reported that they were under the influence (of drugs and/or alcohol) at the time of their offense. One-quarter of women reported drinking alcohol at the time of the offense while one-quarter reported committing the offense in order to get money for drugs. Almost one-third of the women reported that their offense was a drug-related offense, 16 percent stated that they had committed a violent offense, and 18 percent reported having engaged in a property-related offense. Finally, more than 80 percent of these inmates stated that they had pled guilty to the offense for which they were currently serving time. These women illustrate a series of life course characteristics which makes them much more susceptible to poor health—including unmet medical needs, drug/alcohol use, and mental health issues—that have the potential to be treated, or exacerbated, by incarceration.

The range of self-reported health problems for many inmates is considerable. Treatment for these issues operates against a background of legal and penal concerns, which are discussed in the following section.

Roughly 40 percent of the inmates surveyed while incarcerated were first-time offenders while almost 60 percent were recidivists. More than one-third of these women reported being previously incarcerated. Many of these women were reluctant (or refused) to speak about their offenses; however, approximately one-third of women reported that they were under the influence (of drugs and/or alcohol) at the time of their offense. One-quarter of women reported drinking alcohol at the time of the offense while one-quarter reported committing the offense in order to get money for drugs. Almost one-third of the women reported that their offense was a drug-related offense, 16 percent stated that they had committed a violent offense, and 18 percent reported having engaged in a property-related offense. Finally, more than 80 percent of these inmates stated that they had pled guilty to the offense for which they were currently serving time. These women illustrate a series of life course characteristics which makes them much more susceptible to poor health—including unmet medical needs, drug/alcohol use, and mental health issues — that have the potential to be treated, or exacerbated, by incarceration.

Women intravenous (IV) drug users are also more likely to engage in risky sexual behaviors — such as having multiple partners, unprotected intercourse, and exchanging sex for money or drugs — which put them at increased risk for STDs/HIV and gynecological problems that include pelvic inflammatory disease and cervical cancer (Shearer, 2003). A study of women in a Texas correctional facility illustrates this point: 40 percent of women in the study self-reported having had an STD and 47 percent reported engaging in HIV risk behaviors (Marquart, Brewer, Mullings, and Crouch, 1999). Other health problems experienced by women with substance abuse issues include hepatitis, cirrhosis, higher risk for bone fracture, and anemia (Reed & Mowbray, 1999). Certain STDs—such as genital herpes and syphilis—make individuals more vulnerable to HIV infection (Marquart et al., 1999). HIV and tuberculosis are significant problems as well. Among state prisoners, three percent of inmates were HIV positive in 2002 (compared to 1.9 percent of male inmates) (Maruschak, 2004). In some states, however, this percentage was considerably higher, chiefly in New York (13.6 percent) and Maryland (12.1 percent). Wilcock, Hammett, Widom, and Epstein (1996) report that as many as 27 percent of female inmates in 1994 through 1995 had positive tuberculosis skin tests at intake (the mean was 6.7 percent). Although some of the correctional facilities they surveyed provided the number of male inmates who were both HIV positive and had positive TB skin tests, these facilities were largely unable to report this information for female inmates. However, AIDS mortality rates have decreased over time (see Maruschak, 2004).

These inmates were between 15 and 75 years of age, pretty equally divided among blacks and whites, and roughly 17 percent reported Hispanic heritage. Additionally, approximately one-third reported having either a high-school diploma or GED while a little more than half reported being employed prior to their prison admission. More than one-third of these women also reported receiving public assistance or welfare prior to admission while 12 percent reported being homeless, living on the streets, or living in a shelter. Although 43 percent reported never having been married, 20 percent were married and the remaining 37 percent were separated, divorced, or widowed. Additionally, almost 80 percent of the inmates reported having children. Approximately one-quarter of the inmates reported a history of physical and sexual abuse while 42 percent reported only physical abuse and more than one-third reported being sexually abused.

The health difficulties of inmates have long been a daunting challenge. Nineteenth-century inmates in the prisons of the American West, for example, often entered these facilities with chronic health problems and bodies scarred by evidence of rough lives (Butler, 1997). Some had substance abuse problems and/or sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) that were often in advanced stages. Tuberculosis (TB) was also a considerable problem among prisoners confined in dank, unhygienic conditions and weakened by inadequate diets. Existing physical and emotional problems were aggravated by being incarcerated in prisons unsuited for women.

With the exception of the Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV) and Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome (AIDS), many of the health challenges faced by contemporary women — before and during their incarceration — are similar to those of their 19th century predecessors. According to Belknap (2001), incarcerated women have more challenging health issues than other women, due most likely to their increased exposure to poverty, insufficient nutrition, as well as substance abuse histories and a lack of knowledge about health generally. Another significant factor is that few inmates had access to health care prior to their incarceration (Kane & DiBartolo, 2002). This can be attributed to not being insured or coming from “medically underserved areas” (Marquart, Merianos, Cuvelier & Carroll, 1996, p. 334). This translates into their having had little or no preventive care, and for those who are ill, having received care later in the course of an illness (if care had been received at all). As a result, many women bring untreated health problems with them to correctional facilities, including STDs, high blood pressure, asthma, and diabetes (Maeve, 1999).

Women also bring unique health issues to correctional health care, such as a need for gynecological and obstetrical services. In 1998, for example, five percent of women admitted to state prisons and six percent of women admitted to jails were pregnant at that time (Greenfeld & Snell, 1999). Many of these pregnancies may be high risk if the mother has a history of substance abuse and/or sexually transmitted diseases (Hufft, Fawkes, & Lawson, 1993). The latest estimates indicate that approximately three-quarters of women in prisons are mothers (Center for Children of Incarcerated Parents, 2001; Snell & Morton, 1994).

Abuse histories present another gender-specific health challenge. Far more women than men inmates report having been physically or sexually abused at some time in their lives — 55.3 percent of women in jails (compared to 13.4 percent of men — see James, 2004) and 57 percent of women in state prisons (compared to 16 percent of men) (Harlow, 1999). Some women may have permanent injuries as a result of their abuse (Richie, 1996). Abuse is a factor that may also contribute to mental health and substance abuse difficulties, both factors themselves linked to having negative effects on women’s overall health (Reed & Mowbray, 1999). Among state prison inmates in 1998, for example, 24 percent of women were identified as mentally ill, and a large percentage of these women — 78 percent—had been abused at some time before their admission (Ditton, 1999). Because a number of incarcerated women are African-American — approximately 37 percent of women in jails or prisons at midyear 2004 (Harrison & Beck, 2005) — they can bring health issues to correctional facilities which either occur more frequently or exclusively among this population, such as diabetes, hypertension, and sickle-cell anemia (Acoca, 1998).

Some of the women’s poor health conditions are related to their life circumstances prior to being incarcerated. Inmates, both women and men, were more likely to have medical problems if they had been homeless or unemployed prior to their arrest (Maruschak & Beck, 2001). In a study of incarcerated parents, 18 percent of mothers reported having been homeless in the year before admission to state prisons (compared to eight percent of fathers) and 50 percent of mothers in state prisons were unemployed in the month before their arrest (compared to 27 percent of fathers) (Mumola, 2000).
Problems with drug and alcohol use are notable among inmates. Fifty-four percent of women in state prisons surveyed in 1991 had used drugs in the month prior their arrests (Snell & Morton, 1994). Among these women, 65 percent reported regular drug use and 41 percent reported using drugs daily. Nearly 54 percent of women in state prisons in 1998 reported having been under the influence of drugs and/or alcohol at the time of their offense (Greenfeld & Snell, 1999). Table 1 below provides specifics about the substances that inmates reported having used in the 1997 Survey of Inmates. Unsurprisingly, drug and alcohol abuse are harmful to women’s overall health (Reed & Mowbray, 1999), and some practices are more so than others. Among inmates those who had used needles to inject drugs or were alcohol dependent, health problems were more common (Maruschak & Beck, 2001). One-third of inmates studied by Snell and Morton (1994) had used injected illegal drugs, and an estimated 18 percent had shared needles. These women drank less frequently than their male counterparts. However, as Reed and Mowbray (1999) note, because women metabolize alcohol differently than men, they can develop more serious health problems despite less consumption.

Rapidly increasing numbers of women incarcerated in the United States have created an overwhelming need for appropriate health services for these inmates despite limited resources. This article outlines the key health care issues associated with women inmates. We begin by examining the challenges posed by this population of inmates. Additionally, we investigate the provision of health care to these women and then evaluate the perceptions of that care from the perspective of the women and their care providers. We conclude with a discussion of policy-relevant considerations and suggest that realism should be the underlying premise of any health-related policy for women inmates. Specifically, we suggest that education and the treatment of communicable diseases become the most targeted health-related goals for women inmates, as it is inevitable that most of these women will eventually be released.

Introduction
The number of women inmates in the United States has grown dramatically in recent years (Unless otherwise specified, all references to inmates are to women inmates). Of the almost 1.4 million inmates incarcerated in state and federal prisons at midyear 2004, 103,310 were women (Harrison & Beck, 2005). This represents roughly a three percent increase in their numbers since mid-year 2003 (Harrison & Beck, 2005). In 2004 some 1,213,300 women were under supervision of criminal justice authorities (Glaze & Palla, 2004; Harrison & Beck, 2005). Most of these women — approximately 85 percent—were being supervised as probationers or parolees, while the others were incarcerated in prisons or jails. Provision of health care for this population has been insufficient according to scholars (Belknap, 1997; Ross & Lawrence, 1998). In this article, we first examine the challenges this population presents to correctional administrators. This is followed by a discussion of the perceptions these women and their care providers—both medical and custodial—have regarding the health care delivered in prisons. The article concludes with a discussion of related policy issues. We argue that the provision of care for inmates must be realistic in what it can accomplish and that given the limited means available for their care, education and treatment of communicable diseases should be the priorities in addressing their needs.

Health Needs of Women Inmates: Health Problems of Incarcerated Women
Marquart, Merianos, Hebert, and Carroll (1997, p. 186) suggest that the medical problems of incarcerated people be seen within the combined context of an inmate’s life prior to and during incarceration, which they call a “life course perspective.” Many of the health problems inmates experience in prison are often the result of factors — such as socio-economic status and lifestyle — that affect their wellbeing before incarceration. In writing about inmates, Ross and Lawrence (1998, p. 128) note, “Their health problems and needs do not arise in prison; rather, the women bring their health care problems to prison.”

Knee replacement is a surgical procedure in which the physician replaces the weight-bearing parts of the knee joint. Surgical doctors perform this on patients suffering from joint pains, osteoarthritis. Even psoriatic arthritis and rheumatoid arthritis patients could undergo this procedure. In such patients, there is incredible inflammation or severe pain in the knee joint. This makes daily movement very difficult also, over duration of time.

This mostly happens with age due to wear and tear of the knee joint. Apart from osteoporosis, knee pain could also be due to cartilage defects, ligament tears or meniscus tears. To replace the damaged or diseased joint surface, one uses plastic and metal components shaped to facilitate the motion of knee. There can be total or partial knee replacement. In gender specific knee replacement for women, implants specially designed to cater for women are used. The woman’s knee is different in shape compared to a man’s.

The gender specific knee replacement has improved the overall function of knee implants in women. With the woman’s special knee implants, women patients have been relieved from pain largely. Moreover, they feel the functionality the natural knee after the surgery. The results are much better than the non-gender knees or the common traditional knees used on women ages ago. The design used by women only is the woman’s special knee and in 2006, they introduced it in the US.

The anatomy of a male body is different from a female’s body. The application of this has been recently in the designing of orthopedic implants. The basis of the gender specific knee is from a fact. That is the femur or the thighbone in case of women is narrow from the side. In case of men, the kneecap rests on a comparatively more oblique line. In addition, the front of the thighbone at the lower end is not as prominent as in case of men. Hence, knee replacement for women with women special knee has proved to be more comfortable and beneficial.

The surgical procedure of knee replacement is same in both the genders. However, with the gender specific knee, the hospital stay gets shorter. Therefore, there are several advantages of the gender specific knee replacement. It is widely used at present and the results are very positive and encouraging. The knee implant surgery for women, performed through the minimal invasive surgery is real because of the various tests that proof it. It is a successful procedure.

The incision on the knee is only 4-5 inches long. Apart from this, there is high flexion in case of woman knee prosthesis. There is a significant reduction in the post-operative pain and due to this, your stay in the hospital could shorten. The knee replacement for women is a major break-through for replacement knee surgeries in women. With advancement in technology, the new prosthesis specially designed for women has given relief to scores of women worldwide. This innovation has proved to be extremely beneficial for women.
G. Smitty is a writer who loves to discuss many topics ranging from knee surgeries to professional basketball. Thanks for reading!

These are two different things all together. It is about the age that makes the difference in the name. If you are under 40 when you go through menopause, then you have what is called premature menopause, if you are between 40 and 45 then it is early menopause. Finally many doctors are now finally seeing that many young women are suffering from a premature menopause and are trying early intervention to help them through it.

This is the leading cause of infertility in women in their late 20’s and 30’s and they are left confused and wondering why this is happening to them. Menopause might not even be on your list of possible causes, but one in each hundred women experience early menopause symptoms that could have many causes.

Causes of Early Menopause:

* Another cause of early menopause is the necessity for a hysterectomy. Once the ovaries are removed, menopause will commence. * One is genetics, meaning that if your mother or grandmother experienced early menopause symptoms, there is a greater likelihood that you will as well. * Finally, if a woman has had chemotherapy or radiation treatments for cancer, these treatments can also be the culprit in early menopause. If you have any of these risk factors, and you begin to experience early menopause symptoms, you can visit your doctor to find out if you are indeed beginning the menopause process.

Early signs of menopause are clues to the onset of the symptoms of menopause in a relatively early time. The menopausal state is usually during a woman’s late 40’s to early 50’s. Anything earlier than that is thought to be an early menopause scenario.

Symptoms of Early Menopause:

* Most of the early menopause symptoms are similar to what women experience during regular menopause, and can include hot flashes, night sweats and mood swings. * Other early menopause symptoms might be headaches, a reduced sex drive, depression and difficulty sleeping. * You might also find that you are irritable or have to visit the restroom more frequently. * Fatigue and forgetfulness are also signs of early menopause. * Vaginal dryness is a common concern, which can contribute to the loss of libido.

While all of these early menopause symptoms may seem uncomfortable, they are only temporary in nature and many can be treated effectively using simple remedies.

For example, you can increase your exercise and improve your diet to help with some of your early menopause symptoms, like irritability and fatigue. You can also use an over the counter lubricant to help combat the vaginal dryness.

If depression becomes a big issue, your doctor can prescribe medication that will help you to deal with this symptom as well. While early menopause may seem like a huge hurdle to get over in your life, there are many options available to you to help you deal with your early menopause symptoms and offer you a higher quality of life.

Treatment:

Hormone therapy is standard for women experiencing premature menopause. Hormone therapy can relieve some of the symptoms and prevent some adverse effects of lowered estrogen levels–according to the Mayo clinic, adverse effects of lowered estrogen levels include hot flashes, vaginal dryness, and increased risk of osteoporosis and heart disease.

In addition, if a woman has undergone premature menopause and still wishes to try for a baby via in-vitro fertilization, hormone therapy is necessary to increase chances she’ll carry to term.

Female sexual dysfunction is condition in which women lack of sexual arousal and sexual desire. It is also called female sexual desire disorder or hypoactive sexual desire disorder.

Female sexual dysfunction

Female sexual dysfunction causes significant distress in women. It may have different multiple causes such as surgery, medical illness, emotional and relationship problems. The magnitude of sexual problems in women is quite high, with 43% of women reporting some sort of sexual problems with 39% reporting low levels of desire, 26% problems with arousal and 21% difficulties with orgasm. Although the occurrence of sexual problems was highest in women over 65, this group reported the lowest levels of distress; whereas women aged 45 to 64 reported the highest levels of distress.

Causes of female sexual dysfunction

There are several causes of female sexual dysfunction; some of them are listed below in detail to give you an idea about them.

• Physical causes

Diabetes, neurological conditions, surgical interventions, medication prescribed for hypertension and consumption of alcohol combined with smoking are some factors that contribute to sexual problems in both men and women. Other physical causes that are specific to women include the insufficient activity of glands producing sexual hormones, injuries or disorders of genitals organs, which leads to uncomfortable and even painful sexual intercourse or trauma caused by the birth process, such as prolonged labour.

• Psychological causes

Anxiety, stress, fatigue and depression are just a few psychological causes leading to female sexual dysfunction. Some medications prescribed for these conditions also lead to sexual problems thereby adding to the problem.

• Environmental causes

Different women have different social and personal problems. As they perform multiple roles, they often find themselves less sexually active. Some women have loads of household chores, some find themselves craving for more love and attention from their partners; some may have been physically abused earlier in their lives – all leading to one thing – sexual dysfunction.

Female sexual dysfunction and its solution

Nowadays, women suffering from female sexual dysfunction have several treatment options open for them. The first step involves communicating with a partner openly. The next step is finding the issue and solving it mutually. If a medical problem needs to be addressed, find a treatment. If some drug is causing a problem, find an alternative. Every problem has a solution. Just be receptive to all the options and you will have a solution soon. One recently discovered solution is testosterone treatment for female sexual problems.

Treatment of female sexual dysfunction

Intrinsa treatment for female sexual dysfunction is the newest discovery. Testosterone, which was essentially believed to be a male sex hormone, is found to have effects on women’s libidos too. If testosterone is supplied to women’s bodies, they may find an improvement in their sexual problems. Intrinsa is a prescription treatment available only for women who have had their hysterectomy and are not more than 65 years of age.